October 2009 Archives

If this is right, not so many. The pope's personal ordinariate to the Anglicans would then permit existing married Anglican priests to be grandfathered in as married Catholic clergy, but you wouldn't be able to be freshly ordained as an Anglo-Catholic priest. Which is to say, this wouldn't be the same deal as the Eastern Rite uniates get--and the whole thing becomes a lot more ho-hum: Keep your Book of Common Prayer, your little liturgical doodads, and that's about it.

Update: Yep, that's about it.
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Over on Religion Dispatches, Sarah Posner cornered Jim Wallis on where he actually stands on abortion these days, and here's what he told her:

"I believe the best response to abortion is not to criminalize what, I believe, is often a tragic and desperate choice; but rather to find effective and proven solutions to reduce abortion. This is the common ground possible between pro-life and pro-choice views."
This is not a response calculated to make pro-choicers very happy, and Posner isn't. No question about it, Wallis doesn't like abortion; he might even (after a few beers) call himself pro-life. But saying that you don't want to criminalize it means that you think it should not be made illegal, because, duh, when you do something that's illegal it's a crime. And if it's not a crime, then doctors will be allowed to perform abortions and women will be able to, er, choose to have them.

So color Wallis reluctantly pro-choice. As for whether he supports current versions of health reform legislation, is there any evidence that he won't? Here's the key sentence in his "Faith Declaration for Health Care Reform":

While religious people don't all agree on all the issues of abortion, we should agree that it must not be allowed to derail the crucial need for comprehensive health care reform.
I'm saying he's on board.
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monks.jpgOver at the WaPo/Georgetown kaffeeklatsch, Hoya gov prof Patrick J. Deneen (inspired by Dr. Robert Moynihan's latest newsflash from Rome) argues that Pope Benedict (like the late Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire) is neither left, right, nor center, but a radical seeking to marshal a smaller, tougher, and more traditionalist Christianity against the barbarism of the present day. That doesn't seem exactly a newsflash. The very name Benedict harks back to the author of the Rule that kept the house of the Western Church in order during what most people think of as the Dark Ages. (I'll give myself a four-year-old footnote on the parallel.)

But while the monks were doing their orderly thing during what medieval historians don't call the Dark Ages, there were not a few hard-working bishops doing their best to maintain order in society at large. These were men of substance and education, and they were, in the earlier Benedict's day, married (check out Gregory of Tours' History of the Franks). It seems to me that if Pope Benedict were really the radical Deneen thinks, he would be modeling his project on the bishops, not the monks. What he intends may not be exactly the louche clericalism pointed to by Andrew Sullivan (riffing on Chris Dierkes). But it's a clericalism that seems ill-suited to creating much more than its own well-regulated, self-contained world.
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Steinhardt.jpegIn our day, a statement of such awe-inspiring obtuseness has been emitted by a Great Personage that it not only demands widespread notice but actually merits special recognition for all time. Therefore and herewith, I announce the b'rit milah (we Jews don't do baptisms) of the Michael H. Steinhardt Award for Macher Dopiness, the first recipient of which is, of course, Michael H. Steinhardt himself.

Steinhardt, for those of you who don't know, is the billionaire founder of the Steinhardt, Fine, Berkowitz & Co. hedge fund and a Jewish philanthropist of no mean donations. These days, he is perhaps best known as having funded (with Charles Bronfman) Taglit-Birthright Israel, which has sent some 200,000 young American Jews on an all-expenses-paid trip to Israel. That's a lot of trips.

Now comes a good sociological study, by Brandeis University's Cohen Center for Modern Jewish Studies, showing that the trips have markedly increased the likelihood that the young Jews who go on them will marry other Jews. Specifically, 72 percent of those who make the trip do so, as opposed to a 46 percent rate among a control group that didn't manage to make the trip. So, in the American Jewish community, this is good news. Except (as Gal Beckerman of the Forward reports):

The only voice to pierce the self-congratulatory tone of the gathering was that of Birthright co-founder Steinhardt. During a question-and-answer session, he stood up and railed against the notion of time and energy being spent on reports and what he called "dialogue."

"This study is an important study, and I think it says some very significant things," Steinhardt said. "But do you recall any Jewish study meaningfully changing the Jewish world over the last 20 or 30 years? I don't."

Now, 19 years ago, the National Jewish Population Study "changed the agenda of American Jewry." It did so by finding that less than half of American Jews--say, about 46 percent--were marrying other Jews. In short order, the agenda of the organized Jewish community became "continuity"--i.e. keeping the next generation within the fold. And a key element of that agenda has been, you got it, Taglit-Birthright Israel. And you know what? It appears to be working.

So a study created an agenda that created a program that appears to be helping to solve the problem identified by the study. Mazel tov, Mr. Steinhardt. And congratulations on your new award!

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Stupak.jpeg...even if his abortion exclusion amendment fails, according to what he said recently in Cheboygan. There were members of the audience who were not happy. So why doesn't Stupak make a better case for himself. Such as that it's not a question of the federal government paying for abortions but helping subsidize the purchase of insurance policies that, with the addition of individual's funds, could pay for abortion? In other words (in the broken record department), health insurance vouchers. Let's just say, this is not a discussion being carried out on a very sophisticated plane.
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J Street.jpegThe state of the Israel Lobby is healthy. J Street, the new liberal alternative to the venerable neocon AIPAC, has concluded its first big DC shindig, having received the imprimatur of the Obama administration in the form of an address by National Security Advisor Jim Jones. True, New York's U.S. senators, Schumer and Gillibrand, withdrew the hems of their respective garments, presumably having been read the riot act by their big Jewish backers. But as Nathan Guttman makes clear in a fine piece in the Forward, after a few bumps in the road, the organization seems to be establishing itself comfortably in the center-left portion of American Jewish opinion.

What J Street has going for it is the fact that most American Jews are located right where J Street is--voting for Obama, supporting the Israeli softer line. The problem is that most of those folks are less involved--with Israel, with the big communal organizations--than the AIPACniks, including the big shots. J Street's challenge is rounding up enough center-left types who care, or who can be persuaded to.
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That's the burden of Amy Sullivan's charge over on Swampland. She's ascertained that Focus ensures its employees through Principal Insurance Company, which includes abortion services in its health insurance policies. Even assuming that Focus' own group plan does not include abortion coverage, isn't the organization still indirectly underwriting abortions? And how is that different from what Focus and its allies object to in current versions of health reform legislation?

Actually, Focus et al. may have an answer. It's that they do not object to the government subsidizing policies that exclude abortion but which happen to be offered by companies that offer other policies which include abortion coverage. So far as I know, no pro-life groups are opposing federal subsidies going to any company that offers abortion coverage. That would rule out most existing health insurance companies, which surely those good Republicans (plus the Man From Aetna/Cigna, Joe Lieberman) would never want to do.

Plus then, the only way to insure against such indirect underwriting of abortions would be to require all recipients of  subsidies (health insurance vouchers) to purchase their health insurance from a federal (public option) program that covers abortions only according to the Hyde Amendment exceptions. OMG!
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...and then there are graphics. A Baptist, a Jew, a Catholic, a Generic Christian, a Muslim, and a Mainline Christian go into a bar...
ARIS bar.jpegTo interact with these folks, go here.

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David and Goliath.jpegIt seems that eBay won't permit supporters of Scott Roeder, the man accused of murdering abortion doctor George Tiller, to use its site to hold an auction to raise money for his defense. Among the items they planned to auction is a prison drawing by Roeder of David and Goliath depicting David holding the head of Goliath with the name "Tiller" inscribed on Goliath's forehead. On the corpse are the words "child-murdering industry."

According to the AP, "Roeder's supporters are encouraging him to use a 'necessity defense,' saying that Tiller's killing on May 31 was an act of justifiable homicide. Other anti-abortion activists charged with violent crimes have tried to use such a defense, but with little success."

Update: There's the Caravaggio, here's the Roeder:

roeder-tiller-drawing.jpg

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Writing on the WaPo On Faith blog, David Waters concludes a post on the health-care reform spat between Rep. Patrick J. Kennedy (D-R.I.) and Rhode Island Catholic Bishop Thomas J. Tobin by taking up cudgels on behalf of the bishops' worries about abortion:

Given that even Democrats don't agree on whether current versions of health-reform legislation will or should cover abortions, don't the bishops' concerns seem perfectly reasonable and consistent?
The answer is: no. Here's the relevant language from the bishops' October 8 letter to members of Congress.

Exclude mandated coverage for abortion, and incorporate longstanding policies against abortion funding and in favor of conscience rights. No one should be required to pay for or participate in abortion. It is essential that the legislation clearly apply to this new program longstanding and widely supported federal restrictions on abortion funding and mandates, and protections for rights of conscience. No current bill meets this test.
The question is: What would meet the bishops' test? To take one highly pertinent question: Is it requiring people to pay for or participate in abortion if their tax monies go to subsidize someone's health insurance policy, if that policy includes abortion coverage? (Or, as I prefer to say: "...if their tax monies pay for health insurance vouchers that those who are eligible can use to help purchase the policy of their choice?") Even if the subsidy or voucher didn't underwrite that portion of the policy that covered abortion? If not, then what's wrong with the current bills with respect to abortion? And if so, how is that consistent with Medicaid, under which the ban on federal support for abortions (beyond cases of incest, rape, and threat to the woman's life) does not extend to the states, which can and in a number of cases do pay for abortion services generally?

In other words, instead of grousing about things not being up to snuff, the bishops need to say what they will support. Otherwise, they're just playing the old pressure game, unreasonably and inconsistently.
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Akinola.jpegThe Anglican Global South Primates Steering Committee, chaired by the formidable Peter Akinola of Nigeria, has issued an "exhortation to the faithful" turning thumbs down on Pope Benedict's little Anglican cherry-picking expedition while putting the squeeze on Archbishop of Canterbury (ABC) Rowan Williams. Here are the key paragraphs:

3. We welcome Pope Benedict XVI's stance on the common biblical teaching on human sexuality, and the commitment to continuing ecumenical dialogue.

4. At the same time we believe that the proposed Anglican Covenant sets the necessary parameters in safeguarding the catholic and apostolic faith and order of the Communion. It gives Anglican churches worldwide a clear and principled way forward in pursuing God's divine purposes together in the one, holy, catholic and apostolic church of Jesus Christ. We urge churches in the Communion to actively work together towards a speedy adoption of the Covenant. 

In other words, we've got our own authentic and universal church, so long as the ABC continues down the path towards the proposed Anglican Covenant. What is this Covenant of which they speak? It's a new constitutional regime whereby Anglican headquarters would be able to impose doctrinal discipline upon its constituent parts. In its current state, this would mean relegating a "province" that didn't go along with a ban on, say, partnered gay bishops, to second-class status in the Communion. The Akinolites mean to hold the ABC's feet to the fire on that one:

6. As Primates of the Communion and guardians of the catholic and apostolic faith and order, we stand in communion with our fellow bishops, clergy and laity who are steadfast in the biblical teaching against the ordination of openly homosexual clergy, the consecration of such to the episcopate, and the blessing of homosexual partnerships.

No way, of course, are married hierarchs like Akinola going to lead their flocks to Rome, subordinating themselves to local Catholic primacy and either giving up their wives to stay bishops or keeping them and becoming mere priests. But that doesn't mean the Communion can't fall apart, or divide schismatically into North and South. Williams dithers as Canterbury burns.





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That's the headline on TPM's story on Robert Gibbs' news that Obama has congratulated Harry Reid on coming up with a plan that has a public option. And even said he was "pleased" about it. Somehow, because those oh-so-whispery off-the-record sources said the White House was pushing back against a public option, that had to be so. Really, guys. The White House wanted everyone to think it was pushing back. It's the old misdirection play, and the young 'uns on the 24-hour political blogo-cycle fell for it. Hard.
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Ross Douthat, NYT's thus far underperforming young conservative columnist, has the bright thought today that what's really going on with the pope's new Anglican Ordinariate is a marshaling of troops against the threat of global Islam. How many divisions does the pope have? Stalin once asked. To deal with le défi islamique, a new Anglican division, would be the pope's answer. Oh yes, and also a new Lefebvrist division, if he can somehow manage to convince the SSPX folks to, like, give up their scruples about Vatican II, the Jews, etc. etc.

Meanwhile, however, you wonder what Benedict plans to do about one of his oldest and most loyal divisions, the Church in Ireland, which is in the process of total meltdown thanks to last June's Ryan Report. That document laid out a story of systemic physical and sexual abuse in the industrial schools and reformatories run by the Christian Brothers and 16 other religious orders that makes the American pedophile cover-up scandal look like lifting a few bucks from the collection plate. This week will bring what is anticipated to be a no less horrific report on abuse in the archdiocese of Dublin. The pope is said to be shocked.

Yes, yes, Benedict earned some plaudits for meeting with some victims of sexual abuse when he visited the U.S. last year. But so far, there's no indication that the Vatican is planning to bring the hammer down on those responsible for the Irish disaster. Instead of, say, terminating the Christian Brothers, the Vatican is busy investigating the beliefs and practices of the dwindling number of American nuns, whose main sins seem to be not wearing habits and thinking for themselves. Maybe that will advance the anti-Muslim crusade too.
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As anyone following the Virginia gubernatorial race is aware, Republican Robert F. McDonnell has been making hay by minimizing the social conservatism of his past and reaching out to moderates in the DC suburbs on economic issues. The current betting is that he will beat Democrat Creigh Deeds handily, leading to this sentiment, quoted in today's Wapo story by Rosalind Halderman and Anita Kumar:

"I think a win in Virginia will be a shot heard around the world and will show a strong comeback in the making," said Republican strategist Ron Bonjean, who added that a McDonnell victory would create a "template for Republicans on a national level."
So what's the template? Presumably it's for GOP candidates in swing states and districts to abandon the old Rovian "mobilize the base and win by a whisker" strategy  in favor of the older Reaganite "lock up the base early and move to the center" approach. The challenge, of course, is that with so large a portion of the Republican base constituted by social conservatives, a moderate campaign like McDonnell's runs the risk of failing--through all that moderation--to get your folks fired up and to the polls.

What the template requires, then, is a candidate whom social conservatives recognize as one of their own--with sufficient quiet assurance through the networks that he will carry as much water for them as he possibly can. There's no question that McDonnell fits that bill--and if any state has the networks, it's Virginia. Looking to 2010, the successful Republicans won't be bona fide social moderates like Dede Scozzafava, the GOP nominee in a special election in New York's 23rd congressional district whose Conservative Party opponent is being backed by GOP ideologues and back-benchers. It'll be the McDonnells.
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Pro-life Rep. Bart Stupak (D-Mich.) tells the AP why he can't support the current House bill on health reform.

Stupak says language specifying that someone obtaining an abortion must use her own money, not federal money from the subsidies, doesn't go far enough because it's impossible to clearly segregate funds in that way.

"Once you get the affordability credits (subsidies) in there, that's public funding of abortion. We're not going there," Stupak said. "How do you get past the affordability credits is really the issue. And we can't."

This confuses "public funding of abortion" with "public funding of abortion coverage." What the bill would do is provide a subsidy to help a woman purchase an insurance policy. The subsidy could not, under the Hyde Amendment, go towards that portion of the plan that covers abortion--presumably, under a separate rider whose price tag would be determined by the insurance company. If the woman chose to purchase the rider, and then obtained an abortion, the company would pay for it, as it would any other medical treatment covered by the plan.

What Stupak and his allies oppose is heath care legislation to help purchase policies that could include abortion if other monies were added. By that logic, they should support ending Medicaid, since states can and not a few states do add their own funds to provide Medicaid recipients with abortion coverage. 

Addendum: Think about Stupak's use of the phrase "affordability credits." What are affordability credits? They're vouchers--as in the education vouchers so beloved of conservatives, that inoculate public money from the taint of Establishment Clause violation because they go directly to individuals, not religious institutions. Only in this case instead of public money going directly (via vouchers) to religious schools, it would only go to help pay for the (non-abortion) portion of a health insurance policy, with the insurance company paying for the abortion with non-government money. Call it twice (or thrice) inoculated.

I've made this case before, so let me just say here that, if the pro-health care reform folks had their heads in the abortion question, they would be emphasizing that what they're talking about with the subsidies are health care vouchers. Like education vouchers. Get it?

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Why is it that Richard Cizik gets canned as vice president for government of affairs at the National Association of Evangelicals for supporting civil unions, but when Richard Land, his opposite number at the Southern Baptist Commission, gives the Jew in charge of health policy at the White House a "Joseph Mengele award," there's not so much as a peep out of any SBC leader?
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Soupy.jpg
Soupy Sales (alav ha-shalom) "was born Milton Supman on Jan. 8, 1926, in Franklinton, N.C., where his was the only Jewish family in town. His parents, owners of a dry-goods store, sold sheets to the Ku Klux Klan." (WaPo)

Eli Evans, author of the indispensable book on Jews in the South, The Provincials, once told an interviewer:

"Unfortunately, anti-Semitism is the most extensively written about aspect in much of the literature about Jewish life in the South. But the history of Jews in the South lies not in cross burnings, bombing, acts of overt anti-Semitism and violence. It is a story animated by hope, reflected in the indomitable spirit of immigrants who worked for pennies to bring over their families in the faith they could build a life in America. Jews have prospered in the South despite their religious differences and the spasms of violence and demagoguery that mar its history. One of the reasons lies in an emotional and psychological reality at work in the psyche of the Christian community. I call it a 'reverence for Jews' and it has not been deeply explored or understood. To many Southerners, Jews were the chosen people, and had a Biblical dimension to them."


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Too bad Pew didn't ask  for (or disclose?) opinions on global warming by religion.
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Dan Gilgoff calls attention to Melissa Block's NPR profile of Oregon governor Ted Kulongoski by noting, "You don't often hear American politicians who hail from the burgeoning 'spiritual but not religious' demographic discuss their beliefs but..." Here's the extended quote from the governor, whom Block accompanied on an excursion on the South Santiam River to talk about his passions for fly fishing and green jobs:

"Sometimes, you have to get out like this to really understand why you do what you do," he says. "This is what Oregon's all about. This is who we are as people -- on the natural resource side of our lives. ... I must admit, I may not be as religious but I'm very spiritual -- and I believe if there is a God, this is where he lives. He's on the river, he's in the mountains -- this is what it's all about."
Kulongoski might be out of the ordinary in another state, but not (as he implies) in Oregon. Its rate of religious  identification is among the lowest in the country; and environmentalism is its civil religion. Kulongoski's statement is more or less equivalent to the governor of Alabama talking about what a devoted Baptist he is.
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The archbishop of the Anglican Church of Kenya (ACK) thinks it's just an English thing.

Kenya.gif"I do not see why it is necessary at this point in history, ACK Archbishop Eliud Wabukala told the Nation."The Archbishop of Canterbury sent us letters welcoming the offer but for him, it is essentially to deal with the local England context and does not apply to other provinces," he added.

Archbishop Wabukala said there were major differences on how Catholics and Anglicans, whom he described as more evangelicals, understand the ministry and sacrament, which he said have to be harmonised before any formal reunion.

Any Anglican priest intending to cross over to the Catholic Church must understand these differences beforehand, he said.
That sounds about right.
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It's NYT's lead story today, portrayed as a poaching expedition: "In an extraordinary bid to to lure traditionalist Anglicans en masse, the Vatican on Tuesday announced..." Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams begs to differ:

It would not occur to me to see this as an act of aggression or a statement of no confidence, precisely because the routine relationships that we enjoy as churches will continue
Yes, and have you checked if your wallet's still in your pocket, eminence?

Tom Reese sees the outreach as a way for Rome to solve its priest shortage problem:

More importantly, could married Roman Catholic men from the traditional dioceses join the Anglican ordinariate and become seminarians and priests? If so, we have just solved the priest shortage problem and within a generation there will be more priests in the Anglican ordinariates than in the traditional dioceses. The rest of the people will soon follow and the Anglican ordinariate will hold a majority of Roman Catholics.
Well, maybe. But where in the Catholic world? Traditionalist Anglican types in America already have their own church. Will English traditionalists give up all those fab buildings just to protest the ordination of women? As for the Nigerians, in doctrine and practice they've got everything they could want already--plus a married episcopate, which they'd have to give up; and they're just as thick on the ground as the Catholics.

Update: Wait a minute--I missed the point. The idea would be for actual bona fide Catholic married men to become "Anglican Catholics"  and get themselves turned into priests. I wonder if any Eastern Rite (Uniate) Catholic churches ever had Western Rite Catholics who tried this move. Something tells me the Vatican isn't going to like this loophole. Clever, though.

Further Update: Consulting with my expert on all things Orthodox (Andrew Walsh), I have determined that, at least so far as Andrew knows, there have been no Western Rite types who have tried for the married Catholic priesthood by enrolling in an Eastern Rite seminary. The reason, mainly, is that the Catholic Church doesn't let Eastern Rite seminaries in the U.S. ordain married men of any sort. The only married priests in that corner are those ordained in the Ukraine or thereabouts; they're not allowed in principle but in practice have made their way to these shores. Now the terms of the new Anglican Ordinariate look to be different. And--important to note--the Anglican rite is a whole lot closer to the Roman one than the Orthodox is. So there could well be married Catholic men tempted by this route. Whether the American Catholic hierarchy--or Rome, for that matter--would think this a nifty solution to the priest shortage is another thing entirely. My guess (and Andrew's) is that such a door, if a lot of people started passing through it, would be slammed shut. 
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Forgive me, but I grew up in Essex County, NJ and put in my time as a daily journalist. So I'm a little bit skeptical that the $87,000 that Gov. Jon Corzine, he of the Wall Street millions, donated last year to St. Matthew AME Church in Orange had nothing, absolutely nothing, to do with the endorsement of Corzine's reelection by the church's pastor, Rev. Reginald Jackson. Jackson happens to be head of the state's Black Ministers Council--"a key player in state politics" whose endorsement "is highly sought." Thirty-seven of the governor's 87K, it seems, went toward the good work of furthering Jackson's second (unsuccessful) try at becoming AME bishop. Like, I support your campaign and you support mine?

And yet, writes Star Ledger columnist Tom Moran, "People who know Jackson understand that he is not the sort to take a bribe."

He is a sharp critic of the governor on urban education. He sides with Republicans in his advocacy of school vouchers. He led the effort to stamp out racial profiling by the State Police. Yet he was outspoken in denouncing the cheap use of the race card by politicians like the former Sen. Sharpe James. The reverend's convictions run deep.

Now, though, Jackson is in the painful position of having to wriggle away from this obvious conflict of interest. He can take the donation. Or he can offer the endorsement. But how can he do both?

"Those who don't know me, I can easily see why they would feel, 'They bought him off,'" says Jackson.

In the land of Frank Hague, Hugh Addonizio, Kenneth Gibson, Solomon Dwek, and Tony Soprano? You think?
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Defending Sen. Jim DeMint's principled opposition to congressional earmarks, two South Carolina Republican county chairmen figured they'd come up with a pretty good analogy:

There is a saying that the Jews who are wealthy got that way not by watching dollars, but instead by taking care of the pennies and the dollars taking care of themselves. By not using earmarks to fund projects for South Carolina and instead using actual bills, DeMint is watching our nation's pennies and trying to preserve our country's wealth and our economy's viability to give all an opportunity to succeed.
Ever heard that saying, Bernie?
(H/T Religion Clause)

Update: Apologies all 'round. Every time it rains it rains...
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Can't they just go back to calling themselves Illuminati?
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Americans approve the way Obama handled winning the Nobel, 54 percent to 39 percent. As against approving his overall job as president 57-40. Effectively, no difference. Sorry, pundits.
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hate crimes.jpegIn his remarks to the ADL Saturday night, Attorney General Eric Holder, making a case for the imminent federal hate crimes law, said:

I want to reflect also tonight on another group for whom race and religion are treated race and religion are treated as defining characteristics, to the concern and detriment of us all. I'm speaking of Muslim Americans.
This can be a difficult time to be a Muslim in America.  The terrorist attacks of September 11th were a terrible blow to all Americans, and Muslim Americans shared in our collective grief about the loss of thousands of innocent lives. But Muslim Americans have also suffered in an additional way: Crimes against Muslims and those perceived to be Muslim have escalated dramatically since September 11th.  Some hate-mongers seem to have adopted the twisted logic that an attack on innocents can somehow be avenged by another attack on innocents.
Strictly speaking, anti-Islamic crimes have indeed increased since 9/11. Prior to 2001, they were, according to FBI hate crime statistics, running at 30 or so victims per year--less than hate crimes against either Protestants or Catholics. In 2001, unquestionably thanks to 9/11, the number spiked to 554. Since then, it's ranged from 201 in 2004 to 142 in 2007, the last year for which data are available. (The 2008 numbers are due out in a month.)

That's a good deal more than the number of victims of anti-Protestant or anti-Catholic crimes, but well below the number of victims of anti-Jewish crimes, which has only once dipped below 1,000 since 1995. In 2007, anti-homosexual crimes claimed nearly 1,500 victims. Also in 2007, there were 3,434 black victims, 908 white victims, and 830 Hispanic victims of crimes based on hatred of those groups. In a word, by the standard measure, crimes against Muslims as Muslims don't amount to lot.

It's significant that Holder cited as evidence not any of the above data, but last month's Pew survey showing that nearly 60 percent of Americans believe Muslims to be subject to a lot of discrimination--more than any other group than gays and lesbians. But as I noted at the time, the fact that people think there's a lot of discrimination doesn't make it so. Personally, I can take hate crimes legislation or leave it. Whatever its merits, however, there is no justification for the AG to give the impression that one group is particularly subject to crimes when his own data don't show it.
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Democracy Corps' report on the GOP base is worth some serious pondering. What it claims to show is that the conservatives who constitute two-thirds of self-identified Republicans live in a mental world separate from the one you and I and fairly conservative Independents inhabit. What's that world like?

It's different from what has become the conventional understanding of conservative culture-war ideology Yes, these folks are pro-religion, but they see the public realm not so much as opposed to their own evangelical Christianity as hostile to a caricature of "Judeo-Christian values" they believe were present at the country's founding. They are not obsessed with abortion and same-sex marriage. And they are not--and this the report is at pains to emphasize--concerned with race, other than resenting being called racists for criticizing the president.

What animates them is good old American rightest fears of being beset by powerful and malignant outside forces that want to take away their liberties. Obama is, in their view, the agent of these forces--identified with elites dominating the government and, to some extent, immigrant outsiders. It's Obama's eliteness and foreignness, more than his race, that seems to give them the willies. This is the 21st-century version of anti-government nativism, and takes us back to the days of Birchite anti-Communism. In place of fluoridated water, we've now got a poisonous flu vaccine. (The first American anti-vaccine populist scare was ginned up against the powers-that-be in Boston in 1721, ironically enough by James Franklin and his brother Benjamin--as a way of getting at the clerical establishment presided over by Increase Mather and his son Cotton. From Franklin to Beck, o my!) In short, we've returned to Richard Hofstadter's paranoid style in American politics.

How seriously should we take a couple of "Republican base" focus groups in Georgia (set against a control group of a couple of focus groups of moderate-to-conservative Independents held in Cleveland)? Certainly a grain of salt is required. The implication, however, is that the Republican Party, now lacking a true moderate wing (albeit with some pragmatic pols), has essentially placed itself beyond the pale of reasonable public policy-making--at least domestically. Internal GOP dynamics are such that no significant domestic policy initiative can depend on Republican support in Congress. Efforts to compromise with the other side on the part of the administration and its Democratic allies should only be  undertaken to persuade Independent voters that they're making a good-faith effort to do so, and to hold enough Democrats in conservative parts of the country to get the bills passed. 
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Torquemada.jpgLand2.jpgIn case anyone out there noticed, it was never my intention to equate the Southern Baptist Convention's interventions in American public life with anything related to the Spanish Inquisition. My concern, which is clear when the remarks are reviewed in context, was about the use of inflammatory and mendacious rhetoric to poison the public discourse.

Now that I've had the opportunity to reflect on my words, I deeply regret bestowing a Tomás de Torquemada award on Dr. Richard Land, president of  the SBC's Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission. I was using hyperbole for effect and never intended to actually equate anyone in the SBC with Fr. Torquemada. I will certainly refrain from making such references in the future. I apologize to everyone who found such references hurtful. Given the pain and suffering of so many Baptist and other victims of religious persecution, I will certainly seek to exercise far more care in my use of language in future discussions of the role of religion in civil society.
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Rasmussen's latest has Huckabee leading Romney for the GOP presidential nomination in 2012, Palin and Gingrich trailing, with Pawlenty bringing up the rear; as in:

29% Huckabee

24% Romney
18% Palin
14% Gingrich
4% Pawlenty

6% Some other candidate
7% Not sure


Interestingly, Huckabee and Romney also have the lowest negatives--under double digits, and less than half of Palin, Huckabee, or Pawlenty; as in:


8% Huckabee
9% Romney

20% Gingrich

21% Palin

28% Pawlenty
5% So
me other candidate
9% Not sure


My sense is that Palin's votes go to Huck, Gingrich's to Mitt, and Pawlenty's are split between the two. That would put Huckabee over Romney by 49-40. Don't think this won't be a donnybrook.


Update: Rasmussen has released the head-to-head result, showing Huckabee over Romney  44 percent to 39 percent.


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In response to my snarky request that Pew clarify its ways and means of counting Muslims, Brian Grim, Senior Researcher at the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, has sent along the following:

The apparent difference between the Pew Research Center estimates is explained by the fact that both the 2007 Muslim American Survey and the 2007 Religious Landscape Survey deal only with adults, while the more recent report, Mapping the Global Muslim Population, deals with the total population (i.e., both adults and children).  Based on questions in the Muslim American survey about household size and the religious affiliation of children in the household, we estimate that Muslims account for a larger proportion of the population that is under 18 than they do of the 18-and-over population; thus, our estimate of Muslims' share of the overall population is larger than our estimate of Muslims' share of the adult population.

The Pew Research Center's 2007 Muslim Americans survey (Muslim Americans: Middle Class and Mostly Mainstream) estimated that 0.6% of U.S. adults are Muslims.  The first chapter of the accompanying survey report, "How Many Muslims Are There in the United States," provides detailed information on how the 0.6% estimate was obtained and why we think it is superior to estimates derived from most surveys that are conducted only in English (or English and Spanish, as was the case with the 2007 Religious Landscape Survey, which found 0.4%).  (See U.S. Religious Landscape Survey Report II transcript at http://www.pewforum.org/events/?EventID=190.)

I'd only add that it would have been better had Pew given the actual .4 percent number in its Landscape Survey report, and explained why it believes the actual percentage of Muslims in is higher, rather than simply substituting what it believes to be the more accurate number. Results are results. But anyway, thanks, Brian.

 

 

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biblebanner.jpg
For the past six years, the cheerleaders at Lakeview-Fort Oglethorpe High School in the northwest corner of Georgia had taken to displaying Bible verses on banners such as the above, through which their football team would burst onto the field. Then, last month, the banners were banned on advice of counsel, after a local woman wrote to the school superintendent to suggest that they might provoke a lawsuit. (The woman was not personally opposed to the signs, but expressing concern based on what she learned in her doctoral studies in education at Liberty University [!] last summer.)

Not surprisingly, a lot of people in the community are upset. The school administration is sticking to its guns--and if I know anything about North Georgia, it will continue to do so. No one lets herself get pushed around in that part of the world. Anyway, the question I have is how Bruce Ledewitz's "plausibility test" would apply in this case. Is there a plausible secular justification for the Philippians 3:14 banner above?

Here's the justification from LFO High's 2004 class president Brad Scott, now a local youth minister:

"The cheerleaders are not trying to push a religious cause, to shove religion down someone's throat...The cheerleaders are just using Scripture to show motivation and inspiration to the players and the fans."
Then there's John Allen, who was coaching football at LFO High at the time the banners were instituted, who said:

We started (the signs) as a reflection of who we were as a community. There are churches on every corner in that community, and this was simply a message of all our faith, hope and belief.
I think it probably flunks.

Update: So does Prof. Ledewitz.
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Wayne Baker is Sparks Whirlpool Corporation Research Professor, Professor of Management & Organizations, Professor of Sociology, and Faculty Associate, Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan. His first area of specialization is "Values," and one of his projects invites those who visit  his website to help "reshape the way our leaders understand our values: faith, family, country and the way we make moral and political choices." He also presides over a blog entitled Our Values, which is dedicated to "promoting civil discussion of values and ethnics in America." Each week, Prof. Baker chooses a particular subject for discussion.

Last week, the subject was the "March of the Nones," and on Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, a succession of posts put on display a host of information taken from the recent ARIS report on Nones--without so much as a link to where the data comes from. My contribution to reshaping leaders' values, then, is to suggest that Prof. Baker acknowledge his sources and give credit where credit is due.
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Jim Martin kind of likes Sarah Silverman's latest video proposal. Bill Donohue, not so much.Said video, in which the lovely Ms Silverman delicately suggests that the Vatican be sold so she doesn't have to watch starving children on her 48" hi-def plasma TV, was shown on HBO's Bill Maher show a few days ago, and Donohue knows who to blame.

Silverman's assault on Catholicism is just another example of HBO's corporate irresponsibility. Time and again, if it's not Bill Maher thrashing the Catholic Church, it's one of his guests. There is obviously something pathological going on there: Silverman's filthy diatribe would never be allowed if the chosen target were the Chief Rabbi of Jerusalem and the state of Israel.
Yep, it's the Jews who run HBO. In case you missed the point, here's how he wraps it up:

Here's a reality check for Silverman: the Catholic Church operates more hospitals and feeds more of the poor than any private institution in the world. It also saved more Jews during the Holocaust than any other institution in the world.
So c'mon, HBO. How about a special on the canonization of Pius X!I?

H/T: Cathy Grossman
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Bruce Ledewitz sends in this comment on my remarks on his Mojave Cross proposal:


The standard I use to judge the secular meaning of religious imagery is plausibility.  If the nonreligious meaning of a religious symbol is plausible, the use is constitutional. The nonreligious meaning of a cross in a WWI memorial, which is the context in Buono, is clear. Perhaps such use would not be plausible in a memorial for Iraq. I agree that government endorsement of a religion or religion in general is unconstitutional.  But religious symbols can have both religious and nonreligious meaning and when that is the case their use should be permitted.


I am finishing a book on the constitutionality of the public use of religious imagery, so I appreciate any chance to communicate my ideas to the public (and to potential publishers). Thanks again for your response.

I'd like to know more about this plausibility standard. Is it purely historical? That is, if it's plausible that the symbol of a religion was originally put in place for a secular purpose (e.g. to memorialize the war dead, to spread holiday cheer, provide illumination on a dark street), then no matter how it is regarded afterwards, it's permitted?


Moreover if, as Ledewitz claims, images can be both religious and secular, then is it that case that one could be erected with both a religious and secular meaning? That is: Could a group be allowed to place a Ten Commandments monument in a courthouse by claiming (plausibly) that its meaning is religious as regards the Judeo-Christian tradition and secular as regards the importance of law? That, it seems to me, would eviscerate Establishment Clause jurisprudence in such cases--which is maybe what Ledewitz has in mind. On the other hand, maybe his plausibility test would relate only to something like "primary intent." It makes me uneasy.


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I'm with Schultz in seconding First Things' Keith Pavlischek's call for Jim Wallis to straighten up and tell the world what his own actual position on abortion is, and how it relates to his support of the emerging health reform bill. Following the twists and turns of Pavlischek's account, it's pretty clear that Wallis wants to avoid doing so. For fear of alienating his fans on the left? Burning his bridges to the right? Limiting his prophetic access to the king? Or just playing the old common ground game?

There actually is a third religious way on abortion--the traditional Jewish view. It's that abortion is wrong but not murder, and is permissible when the pregnancy creates physical or psychological problems for the pregnant woman. This rejects the scientistic idea that "life" begins at conception, as well as the theological belief (currently embraced by the LDS Church) that there is no ensoulment--and hence no person--until implantation. But neither does it see abortion as a morally neutral medical procedure whose availability enhances the liberty of women. And it does not rely on distinguishing one's personal opposition to abortion from what one is prepared to impose on others.

Those who embrace this third way would be consistent in supporting restrictions on the use of federal funds to pay for abortions in the health care bill while not regarding their absence as a deal-breaker. I have no idea whether Wallis (or any other prominent commongroundnik) holds such a position. But it would be interesting to know.

Note to Schultz: Gilgoff is a reporter, not a "public religious voice," and so, by the traditional canons, under no obligation to say what his personal positions are.

Comment from Schultz (apparently the comment function isn't working):
I may have created some inadvertent confusion here myself. As you say, Gilgoff is a reporter, not a religious voice. I'm awaiting answers from him and Rachel Laser on another matter tangentially related to this one.

My question for him wasn't about his personal beliefs, but what independent evidence he had to accept Rachel Laser's perspective on voters being worried about Democratic overreach on abortion. That doesn't seem supported by the polls, and I wonder what they have to support the position.

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Dan Gilgoff calls attention to a new ad supporting same-sex marriage in Maine that features Yolande Dumont sitting with her gay son, his partner, and their son. She says, in part:

 "I've been a Catholic all my life. My faith means a lot to me. Marriage to me is a great institution that works, and it's what I want for my children, too."
Brian Burch of CatholicVoteAction.org is calling for the ad to come down on the grounds that, because of this statement, it is "pretending that the Catholic faith supports" same-sex marriage. I can see how someone from Mars might draw that conclusion, but citizens of voting age in the Pine Tree State?

Still, for those Mainers who might be unaware of the Church's position, I would heartily recommend this draft of the Catholic bishops' forthcoming pastoral letter on marriage--which the National Catholic Reporter has succeeded in prying loose from headquarters. As the NCR's editorial on the draft suggests, it doesn't leave a lot of wiggle room in re: same-sex relationships in general, and same-sex marriage in particular:

One of the most troubling developments in contemporary culture is the proposition that persons of the same sex can "marry." This proposal redefines the nature of marriage and the family, and, as a result, harms both the intrinsic dignity of every human being and the common good of society.
I think they'll have some trouble convincing Yolande of this. And maybe a lot of other voters up there too.
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Bruce Ledewitz makes a worthy case over on Religion Dispatches that the Mojave Cross, whose constitutionality the Supreme Court will determine in Buono v. Salazar, can properly be understood as combining secular and religious meanings. Its original purpose was, simply and secularly, to memorialize the fallen in World War I, crosses having become a symbol of the carnage of that struggle. Such usage does not, Ledewitz asserts, eliminate Christian meanings, or trivialize them--as Steve Waldman argues. In line with his recent book, he urges Americans to cultivate an appreciation of the virtues of both secularism and religion--to avoid the ominous either/or--including in our Establishment Clause cases. Can't we just get along?

Maybe. But the point of the First Amendment in banning religious establishments is not to foster mutual understanding and appreciation, worthy as those ends are, but to keep the government from endorsing a particular religious tradition. It's easy enough, as Ledewitz does, to disdain avoiding constitutional problems by putting a dancing bear next to a Cross, but what about a Star of David or a Buddhist prayer wheel? Would those also trivialize the Cross, and if so why?

The Mojave Cross may well live to host Easter Services another day, and I doubt the Republic will collapse if it and other small religious establishments remain in place, even in the Pledge of Allegiance. But there remains a need to keep vigilant about endorsement. Near the end of his post, Ledewitz writes:

Naturally, as our society fragments in its beliefs and nonbeliefs, a biblical image will no longer embody the universal messages that it held for earlier generations. In that new context, it is undoubtedly better to find new modes of expression, which is why memorials of recent wars tend not to use biblical imagery.
Would anyone today propose a Cross to memorialize all those who have died in the Iraq War? And if they did, would Ledewitz oppose it--as, say, insufficiently universal--on constitutional grounds?
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Since winning the Nobel Peace Prize, the president has gained no support among Democrats but has improved his standing 20 percent among Independents and 67 percent among Republicans, according to Gallup. Guess that prize really was a mixed blessing, wasn't it? 
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Conservapedia's Conservative Bible Project has been the object of so much ridicule that I fear Andrew Schlafly and friends will quietly fold their tent and bury the sucker. And that would deprive the world of an opportunity not to be missed. Once the thing is done, there will be no end of occasions to parse, compare, contrast, and otherwise explore the varying ways Holy Scripture is understood and used these days. Can't wait.
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My brilliant wife suggests that what Obama did to earn the Nobel Prize was to succeed in getting Americans to elect a black man president. That's the historic achievement that has elicited many prior plaudits at home and abroad--and made a difference in how human beings around the world understand themselves and their relations with those of other races.

Second thought: I think Obama understands this, and obliquely acknowledged it when he said in his speech that he considered the prize "an affirmation of American leadership on behalf of aspirations held by people in all nations."

Viz: African bishops.

Er: So Richard Cohen's wife agrees with my wife. Kind of.
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The apotheosis of Obama Derangement Syndrome.
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According to Quinnipiac: White Catholics and Jews support requiring people to have health insurance, while white Protestants (evangelical and non-evangelical) oppose it. They all support requiring businesses to provide heath insurance. They all want health care reform to have Republican support and none think either party is making a good-faith effort to achieve it.  And they all support a public option--including white evangelicals.

Let's put a fine point on that last item. Even though 70 percent of white evangelicals disapprove of the way President Obama is handling health care; even though 67 percent say they oppose his health care reform plan; and even though twice as many trust Republicans to do a better job handling health care than trust him (49 percent versus 25 percent); nevertheless, they support "giving people the option of being covered by a government health insurance plan that would compete with private plans" by 51 percent to 43 percent.
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In its just released report on the Muslim population worldwide, The Pew Forum claims that Muslims constitute .8 percent of the American population. A year ago, its Landscape Survey reported that Muslims made up .6 percent of the American population. But this was not what that survey of 35,000 found. In a conference call for journalists, Luis Lugo said that Muslims had come in at just .3 percent of actual respondents--a number adjusted for statistical reasons to .4 percent. Pew chose to report .6 percent because that was the conclusion of its 2007 survey of Muslim Americans. Its rationale for substituting it for the actual Landscape Survey findings seemed less than plausible to me.

The only explanation for how the present .8 percent was arrived at is the following footnote, from page 24:

There has been considerable debate over the exact number of Muslims in the United States. The 2.5 million figure is a projection for 2009 based on the Pew Research Center's 2007 survey "Muslim Americans: Middle Class and Mostly Mainstream" (http://pewforum.org/surveys/muslim-american/) and available Census Bureau data (http://factfinder.census.gov/), adjusted for U.S. population growth. For a discussion of the larger debate, see http://pewresearch.org/pubs/532/questions-muslim-survey.
I don't understand how .6 percent in 2007 projects to .8 percent in 2009. But based on the actual Landscape Survey findings, Pew has now doubled its estimate of the proportion of Muslims in America. By way of comparison, the 54,000-respondent 2008 Trinity ARIS found the number to be .6 percent. That's good enough for me.
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A few days ago, Al Mohler, president of Southern Baptist Theological Seminary in Louisville and one of the Pooh-bahs of conservative evangelicalism, had this to say about the upcoming argument before the Supreme Court in Salazar v. Buono, the case of the Mojave cross.

Arguing for the retention of the display, lawyers for the government are expected to argue that the Mojave cross is constitutional because it represents a secular symbol intended to honor those who died in the nation's service in World War I.

At this point, Christians should pay particular attention. While the government's lawyers try to press their case, Christians should reject any argument that presents the cross as a secular symbol. There is nothing remotely secular about the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ. Arguments for the constitutionality of religious language and symbolism based in the supposedly secular character of the speech or imagery may win in the courtroom, but the arguments are devastating to authentic belief.

Of all people, followers of the Lord Jesus Christ must be the first to insist that the cross is a symbol of Christian faith, pointing directly to the cross on which Christ died as our substitute. The cross must not be reduced to a generic symbol of death and the memory of loved ones.

The logical conclusion to such sentiments is that it's more important to preserve the religious integrity of the cross than to maintain it on public land under false secular pretenses. Mohler, of course, doesn't go there--but I'm confident that his Baptist forerunner Roger Williams would have. No one was more vigilant about separation of church and state than those early American Baptists.

In the event, the most notable secular defense of the cross yesterday came not from the government's lawyers but from Justice Antonin Scalia, who has always been more interested in preserving religious establishments than guaranteeing religious liberties. And it fell to the lawyer for the ACLU, Peter Eliasberg, to articulate Mohler's point of view; to wit: "...a cross is the predominant symbol of Christianity and it signifies that Jesus is the son of God and died to redeem mankind for our sins." For that reason, Eliasberg said, the cross could not be taken as honoring the Jewish war dead.

Scalia's response was telling:

It's erected as a war memorial. I assume it was erected in honor of all of the war dead. It's the--the cross is the--is the most common symbol of--of the resting place of the dead, and it doesn't seem to me--what would you have them erect? A cross--some conglomerate of a cross, a Star of David, and you know, a Moslim half moon and star?
After Scalia went on to call the claim that a cross could only honor Christian war dead an "outrageous conclusion,"  Eliasberg responded, "This cross can't honor us because it is a religious symbol of another religion."

What I'm wondering is how Al Mohler would feel if the only symbol honoring the Christian dead on the shores of, say, Tripoli, were one of those Moslem half moon and stars. Would he agree that they were honored by that symbol? Would he want it removed? Or would he advocate for the erection of a cross alongside it?
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...against the GOP's hard right. Politico's Isenstadt is on the case. A story worth tracking, beyond McCain and his buds. See Gerson on immigration in WaPo today. The GOP may momentarily be allied on health care reform, but there's blood in the water for 2010.
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Uh-oh. The assault on commongroundism has recommenced over on Religion Dispatches, with a nice, er, thumbsucker by Peter Laarman and some cheers from the choir by Dan Schultz. Peter, with an assist from Neil Gabler, argues that there's really no winning over religious conservatives because they are part of a, well, religious crusade that prevents them from compromising--i.e. the common ground effort was doomed from the start. Dan pipes in with the thought that there might not be a moderately conservative independent middle for the commongroundniks to appeal to. In the interest of pushing the discussion along, I offer a couple of modest suggestions.

1. How about a commongroundnik assessment of how the project is going? Support among white evangelicals for health care reform has dropped precipitously, from 48 percent to 18 percent. Instead of whining about not being appreciated for all their good intentions, the advocates of conservative outreach owe us a midterm report.

2. And perhaps it's time for the progressives to start talking about the mote in their own eye. If they don't want to sign on with Michael Lerner's Network of Spiritual Progressives--and I can understand why--where are the troops and what's the action plan?
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"These Men and women were passionately religious and saw the hand of God all around them."
See upper left. Somewhere else, Tom Paine, notorious Francophile and author of The Age of Reason, is having a good laugh.

Update: Such as here.
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The USCCB's Sept. 30 letter to U.S. senators on urrent health care reform legislation includes the following two sentences:

No health care reform plan should use federal dollars for abortion, or compel people to pay for or be involved in other people's abortions. Longstanding federal laws governing other major health programs, including the health insurance program for federal employees, prevent federal funds from being used for abortions or to help purchase benefits packages that include abortions. (Italics in original)
That second sentence correctly states the facts: Since 1983 (except for 1993-94), the Federal Employees Health Benefits program has not permitted beneficiaries to choose health coverage plans that include abortion coverage. The question is whether the USCCB will oppose any health reform legislation that does not prohibit federal subsidies to help Americans purchase health insurance plans to which they can add an abortion rider, paid for by themselves.

The language of the letter can be interpreted to suggest that it will. Would this be consistent with the USCCB's existing position? Not entirely. Take Medicaid, the federal health program for poor people. It does not cover abortion services except in cases of rape, incest, or life endangerment. However, it does help purchase benefits packages that include abortion in the case of those states that supplement federal Medicaid by paying for abortion services out of their own funds. The USCCB does not oppose Medicaid as it stands. To the contrary. So will it oppose health care reform that permits individuals to do what states, under Medicaid, do now?
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Well, I suppose it's the first act of the new 6-Catholic-member U.S. Supreme Court relevant to the Catholic Church. By declining to block release of a mass of documents relative to sex abuse in the Diocese of Bridgeport, the court clears the way for the first clear public viewing of what went on during the episcopacy of Edward Egan, before he ascended to New York. The current bishop, William Lori, has been fighting release tooth and nail. It's big news in Connecticut, but whether there's more smoke than fire remains to be seen. My guess is: lots of fire.
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Since Drew Christiansen assumed the editorship of America from the ousted Tom Reese in 2005, the venerable Jesuit magazine has taken a notably harder line on Israel. This has led to sharp attacks not only from Jewish but also from Catholic quarters--including the late Richard John Neuhaus, Prof. Bruce Chilton, Msgr. Dennis L. Mikulanis, and Fr. James Loughran. Now comes a pop from Sean Michael Winters on America's own blog.

Winters, acknowledging that he's biting the hand the feeds him, goes after the magazine's editorial on the Goldstone report on last year's conflict in Gaza, claiming that it displays "a lack of perspective." I'm inclined to agree. The editorial does allow as how the Israeli incursion was provoked by "indiscriminate missile attacks by Hamas into southern Israel," that Israel has a "right defend itself," and that it is engaged, in Gaza, in "a difficult fight with an elusive opponent." The problem is that, like the report itself, it fails to integrate rules of war into its human rights perspective.

The editorial cites the Mishneh Torah, Maimonides' codification of rabbinic law, to the effect that when besieging a city, an army should leave one side unblocked in order to let the inhabitants flee. Pace R. Moses, but no actual siege could operate that way. A balanced perspective on Gaza would involve some demand that Hamas be held to account for its use of its own civilians to shield its fighters as well as for directing deadly force at Israeli civilians without any military reason for doing so.

But you've got to admire a magazine that lets its own folks to take pot shots at it.
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My goodness. The Telegraph has the story. I wonder if was bar mitzvahed.

Update: Evidently not.
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What's striking about this chart from Gallup's new survey of support for Obama by religion?

Obama Support.gifNot the numbers themselves--they're exactly what you'd expect them to be. It's the existence of the None/Atheist/Agnostic category. Thanks to the 2008 Trinity ARIS (sorry for the self-promotion, but truth is truth), the Nones now constitute a recognized category in the American religious spectrum. And that's as it should be. They have a distinctive profile, demographically and ideologically, and they constitute one-sixth of the voting population--way more than Jews or Mormons.

New categories have a way of creating new realities. The None category is making American religion a different place.
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A new report from Pew finds that the Obama presidency has ushered in a decline in support for abortion, such that Americans are now about equally divided between those who think it should be legal in all or most cases and those who don't. But there's no shortage of other polling on the subject--Laurie Goodstein reviews a bunch of it--and it's far from clear that Pew's small shift amounts to anything much. If it does, the shift is mostly comprised of a decline in the number of those who think abortion should be legal in all cases and a rise in the number of those who either don't know or refuse to answer. Actual opposition to abortion, in other words, has remained about the same.

Is there any meaning to be drawn from this? Cathy Grossman notes the interesting finding that most of those who favor abortion rights find the opposite view respectable, whereas a plurality of prolifers don't find the pro-choice position respectable. Put that together with Gallup's finding that more Americans are now calling themselves pro-life, including many who support abortion rights, and what we may have is a situation in which it is less acceptable to admit to being pro-choice than it used to be. But not necessarily one in which fewer people are pro-choice.
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Over on Religion Dispatches, Schultz engages Melissa McEwan on appending the unvarnished term "Christian" to Ann Coulter and her ilk. McEwan resists bracketing those folks off with, say, "Christianist," while Dan gently suggests that distinctions can be made. One of the problems here is that from time to time, "Christian" has been used by certain right-wing Christians as an ideological club. During the 1930s, "Christian" was coded language for fascist/anti-Jewish--as in groups like the Christian Defenders. (In response, liberal Protestants started using the term "Judeo-Christian.)

These days, evangelicals are increasingly likely to identify themselves as just "Christians," in a way that is meant to differentiate them from those who prefer denominational labels. Indeed, "Protestant" is falling away as an self-identifier for non-Catholic Christians in America. So what should academics and survey researchers call those people? Personally, I stay away from calling anyone just "Christian." The word just isn't specific enough. 
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Obama Antichrist.jpegThe folks over on Religious Connections nicely summarize the case of the "blasphemously doctored" video of a pro-health care reform religious service at which the congregants' words have been altered from "Hear Our Cry, O God. Deliver Us, O God." to Hear Our Cry, Obama. Deliver Us, Obama." The video has gotten a good deal of traction in the conservative religious blogosphere, including from some more or less reasonable types like Rod "Crunchy Con" Dreher. Evidently, such people are fully prepared to believe that religious liberals literally worship Obama. The question is why?

No doubt, this stems in part from Obama's personal charisma and the message of (secular) redemption that was more or less his campaign theme. The underground conception of Obama as the Antichrist derives from these things, and Christian doctrine presupposes worshipers of that false messiah. Who else could they be but religious liberals?

But there is, I think, something else. Within conservative evangelicalism, George W. Bush came to be seen as a hieratic figure--"Our Christian President," an anointed leader. The most notorious image of this conceptualization comes from the 2006 documentary Jesus Camp, where youngsters are shown praying ecstatically around a cardboard cutout of Bush.



You can, then, be a religious conservative in America today who doesn't believe that Barack Obama is the Antichrist but who nevertheless thinks that his more strenuous followers look at him as your own strenuous folks looked at George W. Bush. There is no evidence that religious liberals are worshiping Obama, but religious conservatives have reasons to imagine them to be doing so.
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