August 2009 Archives

Martino.jpegDavid Gibson sees today's abrupt resignation of Scranton Bishop Joseph Martino as a heave out the door by the powers-that-be that portends a significant blow to the take-no-prisoners wing of the American hierarchy. Of course, as Gibson's rehearsal of the prelate's run of controversies makes clear, Martino often seemed out of control, if not off his meds. But there seems to have been more to it than that. As Whispers notes, the lone top aide to Martino not reappointed was the Rev. Kevin McMahon, appointed only last month as episcopal vicar for "Catholic Doctrine, Identity and Mission."

McMahon used to work for sometime St. Louis Archbishop Raymond Burke--who last year was hastily removed from his post to become the Vatican's chief canon law justice (so to say). In January, when Burke attacked the American bishops' document on "faithful citizenship" as contributing directly to the election of Barack Obama, he cited as his authority an article of McMahon's. Bishops don't tend to forget such things.

While no one would say that a strong liberal wing is blowing from Rome, there seems little question that the message for the day is moderazione.

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Not so long ago, religious conservatives were vigorously making the case that the way to respect the Establishment Clause (i.e. separation of church and state) while permitting government funding of religious primary and secondary schools was through vouchers. Sure, the government should not directly fund educational institutions that did religious indoctrination, but by subsidizing education (a worthy public function) via the provision of vouchers to needy families, the government was putting the decision on whether religion could be included in a child's education in the families' hands. The principle of separation of church and state would thus be respected by making the decision to fund religious education a purely private one. Those who might be adamantly opposed to having their tax dollars go to support instruction in any religion and in some particular religion would just have to live with it. And, in the 2002 case of Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, the Supreme Court said OK.

Now comes health reform, and religious conservatives are vigorously making the case that no tax monies should be permitted to pay for abortions (or at least no more than are presently being done via Medicaid payments for abortions in the case of rape, incest, or the life of the pregnant woman). The problem, simply, is that subsidizing insurance coverage for Americans means that, unless expressly forbidden, public monies would be used to pay for abortions covered by any insurance plan that includes abortion coverage (as a number of them now do). But such payment would be precisely analogous to the education voucher payment. That is to say, insurance subsidies are, effectively, vouchers--public funds that individuals can use to make their own decisions based on what's available in the market. (No one would be required to use private funds to procure abortion coverage.) And just as we now permit conscientious objections to paying taxes for religious instruction to be overridden by private decisions to procure such instruction as part of primary or secondary education, shouldn't we permit conscientious objections to paying for abortions to be overridden by private decisions to be covered for it as part of one's overall health insurance plan?
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messianic Judaism.jpeg...to join the Messianic Jews. According to today's Kansas City Star, the FBI is investigating a study group of them that included Scott Roeder, the accused murder of abortion doctor George Tiller. Said Roeder of his 1992 conversion:

"I converted, born again to Christianity," he said. "I guess you could say Messianic, or turned to Jesus, Yeshua, as my Savior." He said Messianic believers such as himself had gone "back to our Hebrew roots."
How this Christian Hebraizing fit into Roeder's worldview remains to be seen (as does the possibility that he may have had some co-religious collaborators). There's a lot of weirdness out there on the fringes.
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Unsurprisingly (to me, anyway), the Catholic church got it together to give Ted Kennedy the big good-bye, with Cardinal Sean O'Malley showing up to preside at the funeral and Cardinal Theodore McCarrick doing the same at the graveside. There can be no doubt that there was something hesitant and withholding in this. O'Malley's participation was announced only on Friday. According to the Boston Globe's Michael Paulson, conservatives lobbied hard for him to deny his presence to the famously pro-choice, pro-same-sex-marriage politician.

On America's In All Things blog, Jim Martin praises O'Malley for performing an act of spiritual generosity: "his simple presence at the funeral shows his support of forgiveness, compassion and that quality perhaps most missing in today's church: mercy." Up to a point, sure, but it's hard not to see at work an effort within the hierarchy to minimize scandal. On the one hand, conservatives would have been scandalized had the princes of the church simply enfolded Kennedy in the warmest of pomp and encomiums. On the other, many Catholics--and not only pro-choice, pro-same-sex-marriage New Englanders--would have been scandalized had the princes withheld the hems of their garments.

That's the reason, I suspect, for McCarrick's odd decision to read Kennedy's private letter to Pope Benedict XVI, hand-delivered by President Obama at the Vatican last month, along with a Vatican account of the pope's response. In his letter, Kennedy asked for Benedict's prayers by way of a recital of his public work on behalf of various Catholic values. The pope responded with his blessing, but without enthusiasm. The reading served to make the case that the church had acted properly, honoring an imperfectly faithful leading son just as he deserved. It marked, in short, a political compromise--one that Kennedy, a master of the art, would no doubt have appreciated.
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David Kirkpatrick has a good piece in today's NYT outlining opposition to health reform on the Catholic right generally, and in particular among some bishops in the Chaput wing of the church. Exhibit one is a diocesan letter from Sioux City Bishop Walker Nikless, who served as Archbishop Chaput's vicar general in Denver. Nikless begins, of course, with the life issues.

First and most important, the Church will not accept any legislation that mandates coverage, public or private, for abortion, euthanasia, or embryonic stem-cell research. We refuse to be made complicit in these evils, which frankly contradict what "health care" should mean.
It would be good to know if the bishop would like to pull the plug on Medicaid, which mandates (i.e. provides) publicly funded coverage of abortion services in cases of rape, incest, and where the life of the pregnant woman is at stake.

To be sure, figuring out how to deal with abortion in the health reform effort is complicated. (Here's Steve Waldman's latest effort to sort things out.) But important as abortion is per se to the Catholic right, there's little doubt that it's also serving as a wedge issue for a broader ideological agenda--one at odds with the church's own social justice tradition, most recently articulated in Pope Benedict's encyclical, Caritas in Veritate. Here's Bishop Nikless on the right to health care:

Second, the Catholic Church does not teach that "health care" as such, without distinction, is a natural right.  The "natural right" of health care is the divine bounty of food, water, and air without which all of us quickly die.  This bounty comes from God directly.  None of us own it, and none of us can morally withhold it from others.  The remainder of health care is a political, not a natural, right, because it comes from our human efforts, creativity, and compassion. As a political right, health care should be apportioned according to need, not ability to pay or to benefit from the care.  We reject the rationing of care.  Those who are sickest should get the most care, regardless of age, status, or wealth.  But how to do this is not self-evident.  The decisions that we must collectively make about how to administer health care therefore fall under "prudential judgment."
As I've pointed out here, the pope's encyclical teaches that food, drinkable water, "basic instruction and elementary health care" are all "elementary and basic rights." Sure there's politics and prudential judgment involved in determining the best way to provide people with health care, but so is there in determining the best way to provide people with food and drinkable water and breathable air.

Nikless is simply falling into step with right-wing ideologues inside the church and out who have set their hearts on defeating comprehensive health reform. To what extent will his fellow bishops follow suit, stand up on the other side, or sit on their hands? Ted Kennedy would have wanted to know.
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If she'll back out of an anti-abortion event in Anchorage, what won't she back out of? Why would anyone ever invite her to anything? 
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CBN.jpegIt's hard to imagine anything puffier than David Brody's profile of White House Faith Czar Joshua DuBois, right through to the kicker:

So while DuBois plugs away for the commander-in-chief at his dream job, his parents back in Nashville say a familiar prayer.

DuBois's mom said, "From the time Joshua was born I prayed for his protection and I pray for his wisdom that he will hear God and that he will follow his direction."
And that's not to mention host Gordon Perry Robertson's hearty amens, including his injunction to viewers to pray for the president. It's all the farthest cry from the Limbaughs and the Becks, the birthers and the town-hall screamers. To say nothing else, it's further evidence that CBN is now a closer approximation of a traditional TV news operation than Fox.
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A nice reflection, well calculated for the present moment, by David Gibson (now of Politics Daily).
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waterboard.jpegHere's a bit of fancy prose out of the Times Washington bureau today:

Waterboarding might be an excruciating procedure with deep roots in the history of torture, but for the C.I.A.'s Office of Medical Services, recordkeeping for each session of near-drowning was critical.
What exactly is the semantic import of that first clause? Is it: "Waterboarding has been around for a long time, but the CIA wanted to keep records anyway"? Or perhaps: "Even though waterboarding is torture, the CIA figured it better keep records"?

And what's the difference between "torture" and "an excruciating procedure with deep roots in the history of torture"? An enhanced interrogation technique that, thanks to careful CIA monitoring, should no longer be considered torture? I'm thinking a lot of editorial back-and-forth went into this sucker.


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Will the pro-choice lion get the big funeral mass? My guess is yes. In Irish Catholic Boston, tribal politics trump abortion politics.

Update: The funeral will take place at the 1,300-seat Basilica of Our Lady of Perpetual Help in the Mission Hill section of Boston, reporteth the Boston Globe.
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Referring to the Lax/Phillips paper on same-sex marriage in the states I cited (in re: Catholic populations) a month ago, Ryan Sager dramatizes the age gap by noting: "If people over 65 made the laws, 0 states would have gay marriage; if people under 30 made the laws, 38 states would have gay marriage."

Now consider this: Mainline Protestantism skews older than any of the other large American religious traditions--by a lot. According to the 2008 Trinity ARIS survey, the proportion of mainliners under 30 is roughly half the proportion of Catholics, white evangelicals, and African American religious folk (11.1 percent versus 21.3 percent, 20.7 percent, and 25.5 percent respectively). And whereas 58 percent of mainliners are over 50, the percentages for Catholics, evangelicals, and African Americans are 40.6, 41.7, and 34.5. (These data have not yet been published.)

And yet, old as they are, mainliners are the American Christians who favor full ecclesial equality for same-sex marriage partners: The United Church of Christ first, now followed by the Episcopal Church USA and (last week) the Evangelical Lutheran Church of America. Call it the triumph of values over age.
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evang.jpegThere's been some back and forth on TPM lately on the nature of evangelical support for Israel, and specifically the extent to which it rests on millennialist expectations--the need for an in-gathering of the Jews in order to prepare the way for Armageddon, the Second Coming, etc. In fact, it's hard to put a clear number on this. Whereas such expectations have been part of the theological armory of conservative evangelicalism for more than a century, evangelicals need not, and often do not, refer to them as the basis of their support for the Jewish State. They also cite the fact that the Bible says (for example, in Gen. 15) that God gave the Land of Israel to the Jews.

In a 2003 survey conducted by John Green (see "Evangelicals and Jews: A View from the Polls," in Mittelman, Johnson and Isserman, eds., Uneasy Allies?, 35-36), 84 percent of evangelicals said they sympathized with Israel because of the covenantal gift, while 75 percent cited biblical prophecy--i.e. millennialist expectations. In other words, evangelicals' support for Israel is biblically overdetermined.


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If only in light of the persistent reluctance of leading media outlets (including the New York Times) to use the word "torture" to describe what the Bush administration sanctioned and conducted under the name of "enhanced interrogation techniques," today's WaPo editorial is noteworthy:

The real culprits in this sordid story are those higher-ups, starting with former president George W. Bush and former vice president Richard B. Cheney, who led America down the degrading path of state-sanctioned torture and left the next administration to cope with the fallout.
But also: Because the editorial gives the thumbs up to AG Holder for appointing a special prosecutor to look into possible crimes committed by CIA interrogators, this certainly implies, without saying it in so many words, that prosecutorial attention should be paid to those higher ups--something the AG seems to have ruled out. Isn't it the business of a criminal investigation to go after the "real culprits."

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Michael Steele's "health bill of rights" for seniors is a transparent enough way to drum up opposition to Democratic health reform--including, of course, the right to hold on to that nifty government-run health care program called Medicare. But perhaps less obviouis is how well the GOP's "just say no" approach has worked to bridge the party's basic ideological divide. To wit: Economic conservatives carry the anti-government ball while social conservatives run abortion and end-of-life care (aka "pulling the plug on granny") up the flagpole. So far, there's been little hue and cry about an imagined mandate to cover same-sex couples in family plans. Maybe that's for after Labor Day.
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Inglour.jpeg
Back in harness after a splendid summer break, I will ease into serious business by considering the moral panic that has seized certain high-minded movie critics (e.g. the New Yorker's David Denby, the New York Times' Manohla Dargis, and Slate's Dana Stevens) in their respective considerations of Inglourious Basterds. The burden of their distress lies in director Quentin Tarantino's apparent trivialization of the Holocaust. I'll spare you the quotes--you can read them yourselves. The point to note is that, as Rutgers Jewish studies prof. Jeffrey Shandler points out (in his Jews, God, and Videotape, pp. 98-103), there has never been a piece of American popular entertainment dealing with the Holocaust--including such high-minded exercises as Schindler's List--that haven't come in for such criticism. As usual, Tarentino just takes the genre to the max. He does it by incorporating the Nazi war against the Jews into a send-up of the World War II escapade genre--call it a Shoah-Dirty Dozen mash-up.

From the Jewish perspective--hey, Weinstein bros!--Inglourious Basterds is best thought of as a Purim spiel, the sole traditional theatrical undertaking of European Jewry, staged during the spring holiday that is the Jewish equivalent of Carnival, that riotous pre-Lenten enactment of the world turned upside down. Purim turns the world of the Jewish diaspora upside down by destroying, with extreme prejudice, the would-be destroyer of the Jews, the Persian king's vizier Haman. (The punishment includes Haman's family, though this section of the Book of Esther tends to be glossed over in synagogues these days.)

All in all, Inglouriouis Basterds is a revenge fantasy very much on the order of Purim. If you're looking for an Esther, there's Shosanna Dreyfus, who contrives the destruction of the entire Nazi high command at her movie palace. (The Haman figure, SS Col. Hans Landa, manages to escape the ultimate fate, but ends up marked for life as the evildoer he is.) The behind-the-lines Jewish Avengers serve up a different Jewish resistance fantasy--dating to the sicarii of the first century, who killed Romans and Roman sympathizers with concealed daggers and ended up defending the fortress of Masada after the destruction of the Second Temple in 70. The squad is, to be sure, led by a non-Jew; but Brad Pitt's Aldo Raine is part Indian, a member of one of those lost tribes, eh? He has all his men use their daggers to take Nazi scalps.

Does Inglourious Basterds pander to the primitive fantasy of doing to others what they would have done to you? Of course it does. Proper moralists are entitled to turn up their noses at such Purim-like narratives. But let us acknowledge the popular appeal--as testified by the initial box office returns in a summer of Hollywood discontent.

Update: Tarentino in an interview with the Forward: "If you're dealing with people like the Nazis ... well, you either eat the wolf or the wolf eats you. You know? And so that's where I would be coming from in a situation like that. ...."
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As forecast, the weather has been wonderful, and what with dial-up internet access, it's not been hard to take a blogging break. I look forward to reports of pitchfork-wielding religious progressives turning up at town hall meetings to demand health reform, even as Mike Huckabee sucks up to the John Hagee wing of the Republican Party. So who will Joe Lieberman support in '12? I'll be back at full speed next week. Cheers, all.
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Sharlet.jpg

A few days of vacation have given me time to re-read Jeff Sharlet's The Family, and with Gary Trudeau wrapping up a week's fun at the C Street gang's expense, it seems like a good time to provide a more comprehensive assessment of the book than I did in my earlier post, which drew so denunciatory a response from Jeff. It will perhaps come as no surprise that I have not changed my mind about the book, but it certainly deserves a more thoroughgoing response than I gave before. So here goes...after the jump. Meanwhile, I'm off on vacation again for a couple of weeks.

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Three months ago, Gallup created a stir when it found that, for the first time, more Americans described themselves as pro-life than pro-choice (51-42, a reversal from 50-44 the other way). Now, in its latest quarterly taking of the temperature, the numbers have evened out, at 47 percent pro-life and 46 percent choice. Now, with abortion front and center in the health reform debate, not so much stir.

Howbeit, as I pointed out in May, the "pro-life" and "pro-choice" numbers are less significant than the basic views of Americans on abortion rights. And the latter show 78 percent believing that abortion should be legal under some or all circumstances (up two percent since May), with roughly the same number believing it should be legal under all circumstances and no circumstances. What's worth bearing in mind in all this is that roughly 60 percent of Americans who call themselves pro-life believe that abortion should be legal in at least some circumstances. It would actually be interesting to know with greater precision what "pro-life" means to Americans today.

Here are the latest Gallup charts.

pro-life.gifabortion rights.gif
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Lefever.jpegThe death of the Rev. Ernest Lefever, onetime pacifist turned hard-edged Christian realist, prompts a question for which I don't have an answer. Lefever earned his fifteen minutes of fame as Ronald Reagan's nominee as assistant secretary of state for human rights and humanitarian affairs. He had been (and remained) a loud opponent of the Carter administration's human rights policy--and, indeed, of all human rights standards. He's made his views know to a House committee, was unable to take his words back, and was firmly rejected by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, including by five of the nine Republicans led by the chairman, Charles Percy of Illinois. (My, how the GOP has changed!)

Anyway, Lefever went on to found the Ethics and Public Policy Center, which, among other things, has been in the forefront of pushing the cause of religious freedom around the world. (Cf. Elliott Abrams and Michael Cromartie in particular.) It can hardly be gainsaid that religious is one of the principal human rights. Did Lefever object to this cause? If not, had his mind changed? In his eulogy, EPPC's George Weigel has nothing to say about Lefever's views on human rights, one way or another. So what's the deal?

From a broader perspective, it would be interesting to trace the conservative/neocon evolution from hostility to Carterian human rights to the embrace of neo-Wilsonianism. There's plenty of room for cynicism, particularly regarding evangelical interest in making the world safe for Christian missionizing. But a disinterested account of the intellectual trajectory would be interesting.
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  • Cathy Grossman: Note taken: 1-million member can stand without a qualifier. read more
  • Kevin: I've read Frank Cocozzelli for a while now, and I think he makes a good case: http://www.streetprophets.com/story/2011/6/29/84832/5940 Mr. Brown writes that, "The Bible does not advocate any Progressive notions of read more
  • Kevin: Have you seen this book? http://biography-ebooks.com/sample/68091/michele-bachmanns-america God, it's scary. Scroll down and read the section on "Worldview: America According to a Conservative Evangelical Voter(Part 1)" I thought "The Shock Doctrine" read more
  • Nakoa: Mark, you really need to explain yourself with the constant (SSM = Legitimacy = Common Sense = Duh!) math you keep laying down. Your constant ridicule of religious leaders for read more
  • Will: Lewis never contemplated SSM, and while from our perspective it might be logical given his argument that he would support civil marriage for all, I don't think you could extrapolate read more
  • Marta: Tolkien has a very interesting letter (actually a draft of a letter he begun but never sent). It's #49 in the published _Letters of J.r.R. Tolken_, and makes an argument read more